A Call Upon States to Realize Child-Specific Remedies in Conjunction with International Solidarity for Children

The preamble of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child calls for children to be brought up in “the spirit of the ideals proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations, and in particular in the spirit of peace, dignity, tolerance, freedom, equality and solidarity.” These values form a foundation for a life in dignity and with aspirations for the future.  At present, many children around the world face trauma, exploitation, attack, and death through direct actions of both state and non-state actors as well as neglect or omission in spite of an obligation to protect.  There is a need for the international community to recognize child-specific remedies in solidarity with their aspiration for peace and enjoyment of human rights. What is at stake is the viability of the international community to uphold humanity at the universal level.

In the past two decades, the escalation of the typology of child-specific violations arising in both peace and war situations is astounding: forced transfer to impose a new nationality, maiming, forced early marriage, sexual exploitation and abuse, forced recruitment, denial of food, water, and/or medicine that inhibit growth and development, denial of education as a form of oppression/discrimination, separation from parents pursuant to immigration processes, arbitrary detention in conjunction with Counter Violent Extremism policies, and trafficking.  

Children’s vulnerability is multiplied by their inter-sectoral identities correlated with gender, race, ethnicity, religion, class, migrant status, and other identities. Although there is much attention on the risk of grave violations to children in the situation of armed conflict, there appears to be a lack of recognition of states’ obligation in relation to preventing and responding to child specific violations at all times. 

The media has provided heartbreaking imagery of the sacrifice of children’s rights throughout the 21st century: In 2018, the United States adopted a zero tolerance policy in which separated more than 2000 children from their parents at the border, some of whom were never reunited again. In 2020, during the pandemic, domestic abuse of girls in Latin America escalated significantly, followed by increased risk of trafficking and other sexual exploitation.[1] Since 8 February 2022, Russian Federation agents have taken at least 19,546 children to that country from Ukraine.[2] On October 7th, 2023, 32 children and babies were taken hostage by Hamas and UNICEF reported that since then over 1,000 children in Gaza have had one or both legs amputated while Save the Children stated that 10,000 children had been killed in airstrikes and ground operations.[3]

Moreover, the trend towards emergence of criminal actors to fill voids filled by defeated combatant groups in post-conflict countries, results in a transfer of risk of exploitation and abuse resulting in escalating chance of being subject to liability and incarceration for these connections.[4] The Global Risks Report 2024 highlighted the possibility of increased criminality and corruption within fragile states that will impact vulnerable groups, and this would include children.[5]

It is notable that UNICEF described the war in Gaza as a “War on Children” and that Gaza had become a “Graveyard for Thousands of Children”.[6] It is surprising that the ICJ Order of Provisional Measures on the Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel) (26 January 2024) includes references to children only in the citation of the criteria of forced transfer of children as part of the definition within the convention[7] (but which was not included in the provisional orders issued), and the citation of the statements delineating the trauma and harm suffered by the children in Gaza made by the United Nations Under Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, Mr. Martin Griffiths, on 5 January 2024[8] and the Commissioner-General of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), Mr. Philippe Lazzarini, on 13 January 2024.[9]

Judges Xue and Bhandari recognized children among the victims of the hostilities in their Declarations.[10] Judges Sebutinde and Judge Ad Hoc Barak also made reference to children as among the victims of hostilities but had additional focus, the former in relation to her opinion that South Africa could try to persuade Hamas to Immediately and unconditionally release the remaining hostages[11], and the latter referring to the historical case of the Nazi “Kinder Aktion” in 1944 and the fact that Israeli children were shocked and traumatized by the attack of October 7th.[12]  These reflections implicate the fact that children are often at the center of violence, hence it follows that they should be given priority in the design of peace.

The provisional orders issued by the ICJ were not child-specific-they were neutrally drafted in way in which children can be included: Israel must take all measures to prevent the commission of[13]:

killing members of the group; (b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; and (d) imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group.

Israel must take immediate and effective measures to enable the provision of urgently needed basic services and humanitarian assistance to address the adverse conditions of life faced by Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.[14]

A question arises as to what will be included in the reports filed by Israel in accordance with the provisional orders.  Will they provide information on any child-specific measures they may take in conjunction with their obligation to prevent genocide?

Realization of International Solidarity for Children requires recognition of state obligations in accordance with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child Article 38 (4):“to ensure protection and care of children who are affected by an armed conflict”, but the challenge is also to provide (according to Article 39) “physical and psychological recovery and social reintegration of a child victim of: any form of neglect, exploitation, or abuse; torture or any other form of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment; or armed conflicts. Such recovery and reintegration shall take place in an environment which fosters the health, self-respect and dignity of the child.”

In comparison, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights issues child-specific provisional orders in cases involving violations affecting children, this may include orders of provision of psychological or physical support to child victims, including requiring transfer to institutions for proper care, supervision of detention, guarantee of sanitation and medical care, provision of education (including scholarships), in particular follow up for placement of orphans.[15]  The Inter-American Court of Human Rights espouses the Convention on the Rights of the Child Article 6(2) obligation upon states to “ensure to the maximum extent possible the survival and development of the child”.[16] This includes physical, mental, spiritual, moral, psychological and social development.[17] The Court has held states responsible for two-fold violations of human rights of children, by failing to prevent children from living in misery, deprived of dignity, at risk of experiencing human rights violations, and deprived of the expectation to pursue a life’s project.

It may be suggested that reports on implementation of the Provisional Measures should also include information on physical and psychological recovery and reintegration of Palestinian and Israeli children who are deeply traumatized and injured. There is an urgent need to strengthen child-centered approaches within policies and programs supported by the international community.  Only when children are placed at the center can they participate in transition and consolidation of peace processes with actual enjoyment of human rights. Perhaps a child-centered approach can restore our humanity after decades of inhumane practice and policies by state and non-state actors around the world.


[1] https://reliefweb.int/report/world/surge-violence-against-girls-and-women-latin-america-and-caribbean

[2] https://press.un.org/en/2023/sc15395.doc.htm#:~:text=internationally%20recognized%20borders.-,KATERYNA%20RASHEVSKA%2C%20Legal%20expert%20at%20the%20Regional%20Center%20for%20Human,and%20children%20deprived%20of%20parental

[3] GAZA: More than 10 children a day lose a limb in three months of brutal conflict | Save the Children International  and Gaza: 10,000 children killed in nearly 100 days of war – occupied Palestinian territory | ReliefWeb

[4] The New Dynamics of Child Recruitment in Colombia (insightcrime.org)

[5] https://www.weforum.org/publications/global-risks-report-2024/in-full/?utm_source=google&utm_medium=ppc&utm_campaign=globalrisks&gad_source=1&gclid=CjwKCAiAzc2tBhA6EiwArv-i6fLVIf8DtlS7FcnZTQ3kB4ywd0Ld0ijz9wZ6pJ4LxR6pkMTCiSdGkhoCZhsQAvD_BwE

[6] Gaza has become a graveyard for thousands of children (unicef.org)

[7] Para. 43

[8]  Para. 47: “For children in particular, the past 12 weeks have been traumatic: No food. No water. No school. Nothing but the terrifying sounds of war, day in and day out.”

[9] Para 49: “This war affected more than 2 million people  the entire population of Gaza. Many will carry lifelong scars, both physical and psychological. The vast majority, including children, are deeply traumatized. Overcrowded and unsanitary UNRWA shelters have now become ‘home’ to more than 1.4 million people. They lack everything, from food to hygiene to privacy. People live in inhumane conditions, where diseases are spreading, including among children. They live through the unlivable, with the clock ticking fast towards famine. The plight of children in Gaza is especially heartbreaking. An entire generation of children is traumatized and will take years to heal. Thousands have been killed, maimed, and orphaned. Hundreds of thousands are deprived of education. Their future is in jeopardy, with far-reaching and long-lasting consequences.”

[10] Para 3 in both the Declaration of Judge Xue and the Declaration of Judge Bhandari.

[11] Dissenting Opinion Judge Sebutinde at para 34.

[12] Paras 5 and 25, Dissenting Opinion Judge Ad Hoc Barak

[13] Para. 78

[14] Para 80.

[15] The Rights of the Child in the Inter-American Human Rights System (oas.org) (2008) Provisional measures adopted by the Court to protect the human rights of children and adolescents

[16] Ibid

[17] United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child, General Comment No. 5 of November 27, 2003, para. 12.

International Solidarity for Children

One of the markers of the deep polarization between people interviewed in the media addressing the impact of both the hostage taking and the killing of children in Israel and Gaza is the repeated implied reference to the principle of Tu Quoque– that breaches of international humanitarian law, being committed by the enemy, justify similar breaches by a belligerent. This is principle is considered to be universally rejected in international humanitarian law, given that its obligations are considered to be unconditional and not based on reciprocity. It is imperative that the concept of international solidarity replace the narrative of revenge and division that is manifested in cycles of violence that is devasting children in Israel and Palestine.  

International solidarity is an expression of unity by which peoples and individuals enjoy the benefits of a peaceful, just and equitable international order, secure their human rights and ensure sustainable development.[1] It supports recognition of overlapping cross-border local to global solidarity network initiatives demonstrating a common empathy and shared aim between different peoples. This in contrast to unitary solidarity which is exclusionary as it centers on a common nativist, national segregated community orientation.  International Solidarity is intended to promote respect for, protection, and fulfilment of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all individuals, without distinction as to race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth, disability or other status. All individuals, including children, have the right to participate meaningfully in, contribute to and enjoy a social and international order in which all human rights and fundamental freedoms can be realized. The aim is to promote solidarity between Israeli and Palestinian children and to encourage their right to engage in solidarity initiatives to build peace and enjoy human rights.

States, International Organizations, and Non-State Actors have a duty to respect the right of international solidarity and not breach obligations under international law. The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, Article 38 (4) sets forth the obligation to take precaution in relation to children in conflict: “In accordance with their obligations under international humanitarian law to protect the civilian population in armed conflicts, States Parties shall take all feasible measures to ensure protection and care of children who are affected by an armed conflict.” State and Non-state actors, including Hamas, are obligated to respect human rights and humanitarian law. This includes ensuring that children are not subject to attack (or taken hostage), that they are not forcibly displaced or separated from their parents, that they be given humanitarian assistance (including food, water, and medicine), that they are not subjected to arbitrary house raids or arrest and detention, that they not be used as human shields, and that they enjoy a clean and healthy environment. The current conflict has not only resulted in the severe psychological trauma and anxiety, but also deaths and injuries of children in Gaza and Israel.[2]

The urgency of pursuing full negotiations to secure the release of the hostages, with special priority for the children, women, elderly, and disabled persons is underscored.

Martin Luther King observed “The ultimate weakness of violence is that it is a descending spiral begetting the very thing it seeks to destroy, instead of diminishing evil, it multiplies it. Through violence you may murder the liar, but you cannot murder the lie, nor establish the truth. Through violence you may murder the hater, but you do not murder hate. In fact, violence merely increases hate. Returning violence for violence multiplies violence, adding deeper darkness to a night already devoid of stars. Darkness cannot drive out darkness; only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate; only love can do that.”[3]

Moreover, the spread of anti-Semitic and Islamophobic hate speech has incited violence in other countries, including the murder of a Palestinian 6 year old child and a Jewish woman in the United States.[4] As the Spokesperson for the OHCHR Ravina Shamdasani stated[5]:

“We call on political and other leaders to speak out, unequivocally, against such speech, and to take clear measures to stem any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence. This is a time for the international community to come together in solidarity, advocating for the protection of all civilians, no matter where, no matter what.”

 King Abdullah suggested a vision of international solidarity that would be child centered at the Cairo Summit for Peace: “Our collective and unified message to the Israeli people should be: We want a future of peace and security for you and for the Palestinians, where your children and Palestinian children should no longer live in fear. .  .The only path to a safe and secure future for the people of the Middle East and the entire world—for the Jewish people, for Christians, for Muslims alike—starts with the belief that every human life is of equal value . . .”[6]

It is important that international and national actors within governments, international and regional organizations, civil society, and faith-based groups cooperate to pursue a cease- fire to be followed up by a peace and solidarity transitional justice mechanism that would be inclusive of participation by children. Positive News provides an overview of ten civil society groups that work for Israeli-Palestinian peace.[7] A future peace and solidarity mechanism should collect and share children’s stories of common losses as well as interdependent future aspirations to establish mutual recognition, empathy, and trust among the children of Israel and Palestine.  It should deconstruct the polarizing narratives in order to create a common commitment to promote a culture of sustainable peace and international solidarity.  This may help to promote support for expansion of peace and solidarity educational programs for Israeli and Palestinian children in the future.


[1] The revised Draft Declaration on Human Rights and International Solidarity, available at: G2306905.pdf (un.org)

[2] Children in Gaza ‘developing severe trauma’ after 16 days of bombing | Israel-Hamas war | The Guardian

[3] Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community?. p. 67

[4] 6-Year-Old Boy Dead in Anti-Muslim Attack Near Chicago, Police Say – The New York Times (nytimes.com) 

US synagogue head killed as police warn against speculation over motive | Crime News | Al Jazeera

[5] Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories | OHCHR

[6] Remarks by His Majesty King Abdullah II at the Cairo Summit for Peace At the Cairo Summit for Peace | King Abdullah II Official Website

[7] Bridging the divide: 12 groups working for Israel-Palestine peace – Positive News – Positive News

Accountability for harms to children during armed conflict discussed at ILW panel

NEW YORK – Ways to redress offenses against children during armed conflict formed the core of the panel that our University of Georgia School of Law Dean Rusk International Law Center sponsored last Friday at International Law Weekend, an annual three-day conference presented by the American Branch of the International Law Association and the International Law Students Association. I was honored to take part.

► Opening our panel was Shaheed Fatima QC (top right), a barrister at Blackstone Chambers in London, who led a panel of researchers for the Inquiry on Protecting Children in Conflict, an initiative chaired by Gordon Brown, former United Kingdom Prime Minister and current UN Special Envoy for Global Education.

As Fatima explained, the Inquiry focused on harms that the UN Security Council has identified as “six grave violations” against children in conflict; specifically, killing and maiming; recruitment or use as soldiers; sexual violence; abduction; attacks against schools or hospitals; and denial of humanitarian access. With regard to each, the Inquiry identified legal frameworks in international criminal law, international humanitarian law, and international human rights law. It proposed a new means for redress: promulgation of a “single instrument” that would permit individual communications, for an expressed set of violations, to the Committee on the Rights of the Child, the treaty body that monitors compliance with the Convention on the Rights of the Child and its three optional protocols. These findings and recommendations have just been published as Protecting Children in Armed Conflict (Hart 2018).

► Next, Mara Redlich Revkin (2d from left), a Ph.D. Candidate in Political Science at Yale University and Lead Researcher on Iraq and Syria for the United Nations University Project on Children and Extreme Violence.

She drew from her fieldwork to provide a thick description of children’s experiences in regions controlled by the Islamic State, an armed group devoted to state-building – “rebel governance,” as Revkin termed it. Because the IS sees children as its future, she said, it makes population growth a priority, and exercises its control over schools and other “sites for the weaponization of children.” Children who manage to free themselves from the group encounter new problems on account of states’ responses, responses that Revkin has found often to be at odds with public opinion. These range from the  harsh punishment of every child once associated with IS, without considering the extent of that association, to the rejection of IS-issued birth certificates, thus rendering a child stateless.

► Then came yours truly, Diane Marie Amann (left), Emily & Ernest Woodruff Chair in International Law here at the University of Georgia School of Law and our Center’s Faculty Co-Director. I served as a member of the Inquiry’s Advisory Board.

Discussing my service as the Special Adviser to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court on Children in and affected by Armed Conflict, I focused on the preparation and contents of the 2016 ICC OTP Policy on Children, available here in Arabic, English, French, Spanish, and Swahili. The Policy pinpoints the crimes against and affecting children that may be punished pursuant to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, and it further delineates a “child-sensitive approach” to OTP work at all stages, including investigation, charging, prosecution, and witness protection.

► Summing up the conversation was Harold Hongju Koh (2d from right), Sterling Professor of International Law at Yale Law School and former Legal Adviser to the U.S. Department of State, who served as a consultant to the Inquiry.

Together, he said, the presentations comprised “5 I’s: Inquiry, Iraq and Syria, the ICC, and” – evoking the theme of the conference – “international law and why it matters.” Koh lauded the Inquiry’s report as “agenda-setting,” and its proposal for a means to civil redress as a “panda’s thumb” response that bears serious consideration. Koh envisaged that in some future administration the United States – the only country in the world not to have ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child – might come to ratify the proposed new  protocol, as it has the optional protocols relating to children in armed conflict and the sale of children.

The panel thus trained attention on the harms children experience amid conflict and called for redoubled efforts to secure accountability and compensation for such harms.

(Cross-posted from Diane Marie Amann)

Read On! New anthology, “Human Rights and Children”

Honored to be a contributor to Human Rights and Children, an anthology of works in the field edited by another IntLawGrrls contributor, Hofstra Law Professor Barbara Stark.

The collection’s just been issued by Edward Elgar Publishing, which writes:

“This volume provides a comprehensive overview of children’s human rights, collecting the works of leading authorities as well as new scholars grappling with emerging ideas of ‘children’ and ‘rights.’ Beginning with the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the most widely ratified human rights treaty in the world, this book explores the theory, doctrine, and implementation of the legal frameworks addressing child labor, child soldiers, and child trafficking, as well as children’s socio-economic rights, including their rights to education.”

My own contribution is listed in this compendium as: “Diane Marie Amann (2013), ‘A Review of Reimagining Child Soldiers in International Law and Policy in Mark A. Drumbl, Oxford University Press’, American Journal of International Law…” On my SSRN page, I describe this book review as follows:

“This essay reviews ‘Reimagining Child Soldiers in International Law and Policy’ (2012), in which author Mark Drumbl examines legal doctrine, global activism, and social science research respecting underaged combatants.”

Additional contributors to this collection who have also contributed to IntLawGrrls include, besides Professor Stark and me, Mark A. Drumbl and Nienke Grossman. The balance of contributors are as follows: Philip Alston, Jo Becker, Maria Bouverne-De Bie, Claire Breen, Geert Cappelaere, Cynthia Price Cohen, Katherine Covell, Mac Darrow, Martha F. Davis, Michael J. Dennis, Janelle M. Diller, Sara A. Dillon,  Martin Guggenheim, Stuart N. Hart, Kamran Hashemi, R. Brian Howe, David A. Levy, Janet McKnight, Tendai Charity Nhenga-Chakarisa, Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro, Roslyn Powell, Alison Dundes Renteln, Marilia Sardenberg, William A. Schabas, David M. Smolin, Murray A. Straus, Laura Thetaz-Bergman, John Tobin, Jonathan Todres, Geraldine Van Bueren, Wouter Vandenhole, Eugeen Verhellen, and Barbara Bennett Woodhouse.

(Cross-posted from Diane Marie Amann blog)

IntLawGrrl Louise Chappell’s study of ICC and gender justice featured in EJIL: Talk! symposium

politicsWhat a welcome surprise to read words I penned a few years ago quoted-within-a-quote in a post today at EJIL: Talk! To be precise, Washington & Lee Law Professor Mark Drumbl wrote:

“Gender justice initiatives at the ICC remain entwined with other advocacy movements. Notable in this regard is the push for children’s rights. The pairing of women’s rights with children’s rights – while perhaps seeming somewhat odd – does reflect the historical association, in Diane Marie Amann’s words (cited by Chappell), of ‘women and children as bystanders, beings not fully conscious of the world around them’ within the Grotian Weltanschauung.”

The quote, from my essay “The Post-Postcolonial Woman or Child,” appears in Drumbl’s contribution to a terrific EJIL: Talk! symposium analyzing The Politics of Gender Justice at the International Criminal Court (Oxford University Press 2015), an important book by Louise A. Chappell (below right), Professor and Australian Research Council Future Fellow, School of Social Sciences, University of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia.

chappellChappell (who, like Drumbl, is an IntLawGrrls contributor) traces her subject through chapters that “represent,” “recognize,” “redistribute,” and “complement” gender justice at the ICC, an institution that “nested” “gender advocacy,” as Drumbl puts it in his review, entitled “Gender Justice and International Criminal Law: Peeking and Peering Beyond Stereotypes.” He adds: “In short: her superb book is a must-read.”

Joining Drumbl in this symposium are:

► An opening post by EJIL: Talk! Associate Editor Helen McDermott, a post-doctoral Research Fellow in law and armed conflict in the Oxford Martin School Programme on Human Rights for Future Generations at the University of Oxford, England.

► An introduction by Chappell, who is due to close the conversation later this week (latter post now available here).

“Beyond a Recitation of Sexual Violence Provisions: A Mature Social Science Evaluation of the ICC” by Patricia Viseur Sellers, who serves as the International Criminal Court Prosecutor’s Special Adviser for Prosecution Strategies, is a Visiting Fellow at Kellogg College, Oxford University, and the former Legal Advisor for Gender and Acting Senior Trial Attorney at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia.

“Gender Justice Legacies at the ICC” by yet another IntLawGrrls contributor, Valerie Oosterveld, Associate Dean (Research and Graduate Studies), Associate Professor, and Deputy Director of the Centre for Transitional Justice and Post-Conflict Reconstruction, University of Western Ontario Faculty of Law, London, Ontario, Canada.

To crib from Drumbl’s post, the series is a must-read.

(Cross-posted from Diane Marie Amann)

ICC Prosecutor’s Policy on Children, an international criminal justice capstone

 

Children have become the unwilling emblems of armed conflict and extreme violence.

Searing images have surfaced in news stories, aid workers’ alerts, and rights groups’ dispatches: a 5 year old pulled from Aleppo rubble, orphans at a Goma children’s center, a young Colombian woman struggling to readjust after years as a child soldier, and, face down on a Turkish beach, a drowned 3-year-old refugee. Images of this nature were shown yesterday at the International Criminal Court, during the opening statement in Ongwen, with Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda herself warning “that some of these images are extremely disturbing.”

There is no better time than now to press for strategies both to combat such harms and to bring the persons responsible to justice. Presenting an important step toward those goals is the Policy on Children of the International Criminal Court Office of the Prosecutor.

fatou

Prosecutor Bensouda launched the Policy on Children at an event during last month’s meeting of the ICC Assembly of States Parties. Bensouda quoted from the U.N. expert Graça Machel’s pathbreaking 1996 report on children and armed conflict, then commented:

“[I]t is indeed unconscionable that we so clearly and consistently see children’s rights attacked and that we fail to defend them.
“It is unforgivable that children are assaulted, violated, murdered and yet our conscience is not revolted nor our sense of dignity challenged. This represents a fundamental crisis of our civilisation and a failure of our humanity.
“By adopting the Policy on Children, which we launch today, we at the Office of the Prosecutor seek to ensure that children suffering the gravest injustices are not ignored. That through the vector of the law, we do what we can to protect and advance the rights of children within the framework of the Rome Statute.”

Leading the event was journalist Zeinab Badawi. Among the many others who offered live or video interventions were: Mamadou Ismaël Konaté, Mali’s Minister of Justice and Human Rights of the Republic of Mali; Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights; Leila Zerrougui, Special Representative of the U.N. Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict; Angelina Jolie, Special Envoy of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees; Nobel Peace Prizewinner Leymah Gbowee; Lieutenant General Roméo-Dallaire, Founder of the Roméo Dallaire Child Soldiers Initiative (see also IntLawGrrls post by Kirsten Stefanik); Marc Dullaert, Founder of KidsRights and the Netherlands’ former Children’s Ombudsman; and Coumba Gawlo, U.N. Development Programme Goodwill Ambassador and National Goodwill Ambassador for the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees.

screen2I am honored also to have offered brief remarks – and am especially honored to have assisted in the preparation of this Policy in my capacity as the Prosecutor’s Special Adviser on Children in & affected by Armed Conflict, working alongside a dedicated Office of the Prosecutor team led by Shamila Batohi, Gloria Atiba Davies, and Yayoi Yamaguchi. Preparation included experts’ gatherings at the University of Georgia School of Law Dean Rusk International Law Center, at Leiden Law School, and at the ICC itself, as well as consultations around the globe with young persons who had endured armed conflict. (Legal research produced by my students, in seminars on Children & International Law and through the work of the Georgia Law Project on Armed Conflict & Children, also was invaluable.)

The result is a Policy on Children spanning 47 pages, published simultaneously in Arabic, English, French, Spanish, and Swahili. Identifying children as persons under eighteen (paragraph 16), it covers a gamut of issues related to children and the work of the Prosecutor; for example, general policy, regulatory framework, and engagement with children at all stages of the proceedings. Among many other landmarks, the Policy:

► Embraces a child-sensitive approach grounded in the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child, a treaty ratified by every U.N. member state save one: the United States, which is also an ICC nonparty state. (My remarks happily noted that my other state of citizenship, the Republic of Ireland, is a state party to both the Child Rights Convention and the ICC’s Rome Statute.) Paragraph 22 of the Policy on Children thus states:

“In light of the foregoing, the Office will adopt a child-sensitive approach in all aspects of its work involving children. This approach appreciates the child as an individual person and recognises that, in a given context, a child may be vulnerable, capable, or both. The child-sensitive approach requires staff to take into account these vulnerabilities and capabilities. This approach is based on respect for children’s rights and is guided by the general principles of the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child: non-discrimination; the best interests of the child; the right to life, survival and development; and the right to express one’s views and have them considered.”

► Views children, like all human beings, as multi-faceted individuals and, simultaneously, as members of multi-generational communities. (See, for example, paragraph 100.) Paragraph 25 states:

“Children, by the very fact of their youth, are frequently more vulnerable than other persons; at certain ages and in certain circumstances, they are dependent on others. Notwithstanding any vulnerability and dependence, children possess and are continuously developing their own capacities – capacities to act, to choose and to participate in activities and decisions that affect them. The Office will remain mindful, in all aspects of its work, of the evolving capacities of the child.”

► Acknowledges in paragraph 17 “that most crimes under the Statute affect children in various ways, and that at times they are specifically targeted” – and then pledges that “the Office will, in order to capture the full extent of the harm suffered, seek to highlight the multi-faceted impact on children, at all stages of its work.” The regulatory framework thus enumerates a range of crimes against and affecting children:

  • recruitment and use by armed forces and armed groups of children under fifteen as war crimes (paragraphs 39-43);
  • forcible transfer of children and prevention of birth as acts of genocide (paragraphs 44-46);
  • trafficking of children as a form of enslavement constituting a crime against humanity (paragraphs 47-48);
  • attacks on buildings dedicated to education and health care as war crimes (paragraph 49);
  • torture and related war crimes and crimes against humanity (paragraph 50);
  • persecution as a crime against humanity (paragraph 50); and
  • sexual and gender-based violence as war crimes and crimes against humanity (paragraph 52).

► Details the Office’s plan for applying the child-sensitive approach, with respect both to all stages of proceedings, including preliminary examinations, investigations, and prosecutions, and to cooperation and external relations, institutional development, and implementation.

Even as cases involving crimes against and affecting children, like Ongwen, go forward, the Office is working on implementation of its new Policy on Children. The implementation phase will include developing versions of the Policy accessible to children. I’m looking forward to the opportunity to contribute this phase – and to hearing others’ views on the Policy.

(Cross-posted from Diane Marie Amann)

ICC Prosecutor’s opening addresses Ongwen as alleged “victim-perpetrator”

bensouda

Since accused Lord’s Resistance Army leader Dominic Ongwen surrendered to the International Criminal Court in January 2015, there’s been much discussion of the effect, if any, of reports that he was abducted as a child into the Uganda rebel group, and eventually committed international crimes himself.

ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda responded in her opening statement this morning,  on the 1st day of trial in Prosecutor v. Ongwen (transcript, video, and audio available here; photo © ICC-CPI). First she discussed the crimes with which he is charged, against children and adults alike. Then Bensouda turned to the accused himself:

“One aspect of this case is the fact that not only is Ongwen alleged to be the perpetrator of these crimes, he was also a victim.”

About this, Bensouda said:

“The reality is that cruel men can do kind things and kind men can be cruel. A hundred percent consistency is a rare thing. And the phenomenon of the perpetrator-victim is not restricted to international courts: it is a familiar one in all criminal jurisdictions. Fatherless children in bleak inner cities face brutal and involuntary initiation ordeals into gang life, before themselves taking on a criminal lifestyle. Child abusers consistently reveal that they have been abused themselves as children.

“But having suffered victimization in the past is not a justification, nor an excuse to victimise others. Each human being must be considered to be endowed with moral responsibility for their actions. And the focus of the ICC’s criminal process is not on the goodness or badness of the accused person, but on the criminal acts which he or she has committed. We are not here to deny that Mr. Ongwen was a victim in his youth. We will prove what he did, what he said, and the impact of those deeds on his many victims.

“This Court will not decide his goodness or badness, nor whether he deserves sympathy, but whether he is guilty of the serious crimes committed as an adult, with which he stands charged.”

 

(Cross-posted from Diane Marie Amann; IntLawGrrl Dieneke de Vos’ preview of the Ongwen trial is here)

ICC Assembly of States Parties: Children and Conflict

An estimated 230 million children live in armed conflict-affected countries. Of these, approximately 250,000 children are involved in the conflicts themselves. Some are used for fighting; they themselves turned in to tools of war. Others may act as messengers, porters, cooks, or sex slaves. The UN Secretary-General’s 2016 report on children and armed conflict identified 58 parties to current conflicts that recruit and use children. This includes 7 government security forces and 51 non-state armed groups in countries such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, Iraq, Nigeria, and Syria. As some of the most vulnerable members of society, children deserve and require concentrated efforts from the international community to protect them in times of conflict, to prevent their use in war, and to aggressively go after those who violate international law by victimising them in conflicts.

On 16 November 2016, the ICC Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) launched its Policy on Children aimed at strengthening ongoing efforts to address atrocity crimes against children as well as providing a framework for helping the OTP in their interactions with children from preliminary investigations to post-trial. On 18 November 2016, Canada hosted a side event at the ICC Assembly of States Parties (ASP) on “Child Soldiers: Prevention and Accountability”. This event united speakers on the preventative efforts of the Roméo Dallaire Child Soldiers Initiative with ones on the accountability measures (from preliminary investigation to post-trial) of the ICC OTP.

“War has changed,” began LGen Dallaire (Ret’d), “therefore our tactics need to change.” As Commander of the UN Mission to Rwanda during the Rwanadan Genocide, LGen Dallaire faced first-hand the horror of children turned into weapons of war and the fundamental moral dilemma all soldiers and police forces face when confronted with an enemy combatant that is not merely a combatant, but also a child. These members of professional forces face the choice: don’t react and either take casualties or give up ground; or, react and have to live with the fact that they have used armed force against a child, they suffer. The Dallaire Initiative aims to address this gap that professional forces have in addressing the child dimension as well as to address the recruitment of children as tools of war. To achieve these ends, it focuses on training, research, and advocacy. Training to military, police, and peacekeepers to provide the necessary tools and knowledge to recognize and prevent the recruitment and use of child soldiers. Research to understand patterns of child recruitment, to identify that such recruitment and use can be a warning sign for mass atrocity and genocide, and to gain insights from former child soldiers. High-level advocacy with states, the United Nations, NATO, the African Union and so on, in an effort to have a direct impact on policy and procedures relating to child soldiers. Critically, the Dallaire Initiative takes a very practical approach to the issue rather than a legalistic approach. In other words, it focuses on practical reasoning for breaking down support among armed forces that recruit and use children, rather than merely on what the law says.  Ultimately, the organization seeks to prevent the recruitment of children before they suffer the horrors of being used as tools of war.

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Now available online, chapter on international criminal law & children

I’ve just posted at SSRN the chapter I published at the beginning of the year in The Cambridge Companion to International Criminal Law, edited by Professor William A. Schabas.

policyThe chapter, entitled “Children,” aims to look back at developments in the area since World War II, and then to cast a forward glance at the comprehensive approach now under way at the International Criminal Court – where, incidentally, the ICC Office of the Prosecutor Policy on Children will be launched on November 16, 2016. I was privileged to help with drafting in my capacity as Special Adviser to the Prosecutor on this issue. (prior posts) The date coincides with the start of the annual meeting of the ICC Assembly of States Parties.

Here’s the abstract for my article:

cambridgeThis chapter, which appears in The Cambridge Companion to International Criminal Law (William A. Schabas ed. 2016), discusses how international criminal law instruments and institutions address crimes against and affecting children. It contrasts the absence of express attention in the post-World War II era with the multiple provisions pertaining to children in the 1998 Statute of the International Criminal Court. The chapter examines key judgments in that court and in the Special Court for Sierra Leone, as well as the ICC’s current, comprehensive approach to the effects that crimes within its jurisdiction have on children. The chapter concludes with a discussion of challenges to the prevention and punishment of such international crimes.

SSRN e-journals where this abstract may be found (thanks to always-welcome assistance from TJ Striepe of Georgia Law’s Alexander Campbell King Law Library) include the University of Georgia School of Law Legal Studies Research Paper Series and the Dean Rusk International Law Center Research Paper Series.

(Cross-posted from Exchange of Notes)

Work On! Volunteers Needed for Refugee Education Chios for Nov., Dec., and Jan. 2017

Refugee Education Chios the sole provider of a holistic non-formal education programme and their role on the Island of Chios is as important as ever. They have now completed their fifth successful month running their school and youth centre for the refugee children on Chios Island (Greece).

There are around 200 children aged between 6 and 18 years old
attending the school every week and 100 youth aged between 12 and 20 years
old attending the youth centre. The team is made up of a teachers, musicians, artists, nurses and social workers etc. They promote diversity within the volunteer group, and are
not necessarily look for individuals with a traditional teaching
background.

They are looking for volunteers to join for a minimum two weeks but the
longer the better. Accommodation and mobility on the Island is covered by
the progamme.

If you have the passion and enthusiasm to join them on their journey then
please email your CV and brief note to beavolunteer@baas-schweiz.ch

Read more about us in the articles below:
http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/refugee-school-chios-greece
-lessons-in-life-for-the-migrant-children-a7229916.html

http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/inpictures/2016/07/refugee-school-respite
-children-greek-camps-160706184135733.html#

http://www.reuters.com/article/us-europe-migrants-greece-school-idUSKCN11K
1TW

Facebook: https://en-gb.facebook.com/refugeeeducationchios/